Below
is a presentation of the book as read by Willibroad Dze-Ngwa, PhD, Historian/Political
Scientist, and Senior Lecturer at the University of Yaoundé I. Being a review delivered at the launch of the book in Yaounde recently.
Introduction
·
Dear
very distinguished personalities in your different and respectable grades,
academic friends, ladies and gentlemen good afternoon.
·
When
the author informed me by phone, that I would have to review his book, I rather
felt frightened, and the prompt question was why me?
1.
First of all, because the book was
written by an exemplary scholar, whose rank, status and experiences are far
above mine. In fact a man, whose fingers can handle and mesmerize a pen
mightier than human imagination.
2.
Secondly, because I was called to
speak from the same podium with eminent scholars.
3.
Thirdly, I was scared because the
title to be reviewed was/is on a very interestingly sensitive and controversial
topic on the contemporary political history of Cameroon that has attracted many
scholars, readers and journalists to paint pages with information, either
rightly or wrongly.
4.
Fourthly, I was most scared because
the review had to be done in front of the very alert, critical and informed
people, whom you are!!!
·
However, I dutifully accepted the
challenge because as an exemplary teacher, Prof. Tazoacha Asonganyi has always
wanted the younger generation to blossom in their academic pursuits. Thank you
professor for this opportunity!!!
·
I am happy for the opportunity to review
this eye-witness-insider and mind-searching research work, being a major
contribution towards reconstructing the hitherto blurred and distorted facts
and figures in the political historiography of Cameroon, particularly what
characterized the difficult choices in the democratic process in contemporary
Cameroon.
·
I
should note that it is not a political campaign message, but essentially a
challenging academic exercise! Of course, I am far from being a card carrying
politician.
The Book and its raison
d’être
·
Why did
the author write this Book? Of course it is his Memoir: how he
will like to be remembered by posterity.
·
When I rushed in from Ebolowa to get
a copy of this volume, let me say, that was the very first time we were meeting
and actually charting; the Professor noted,
“Cameroon’s democracy is at an impasse. It was a
struggle that was not well conceived, hence, not well implemented. Our children
should know why we tried and failed.”[1]
·
The book is therefore intended to:
1.
Provide an eye-witness account of some
of the crucial issues in the contemporary political history of Cameroon;
strictly from an insider perspective,
2.
Redress substantial areas of
commission or omission in the strengths and weaknesses of the Social Democratic
Front (SDF) party as a major stakeholder in the democratization process in
Cameroon;
3.
Make a contribution in revising the
Political History of Cameroon based on new facts, new ideas and new
developments. History is stubborn you know!!!
·
The author
vividly narrates the History of the running of the SDF party, putting facts and
figures straight for lovers of fine knowledge to revisit facts, cross-check
them with available data, before delving into any conclusions.
·
Verkijika
G. Fanso has argued that, History is based on “facts,” that is, what is known
and accepted as having actually happened. Facts are different from inferences
and opinions; and any serious Historian/Politician/Researcher should make the
difference in the information contained in their works.
Methodology
·
Since the politically conscious masses have consciously or unconsciously
misrepresented, misunderstood or misinterpreted some “facts and figures” in the
contemporary democratisation process in Cameroon in general, and the running of
the SDF party in particular, it will be incumbent to tackle the issues in this
volume as it is presented, without blame games, in order to discourage
defensive listening/reading and encourage open-mindedness, where new knowledge
can fertilise and blossom through renewed and revisited research for the sake
of genuine intellectualism.
·
Then we may be able to appreciate, and say like Albert Mukong, “Where
Things Wrong.”
·
I will refer to Professor as the Author, Tazoacha Asonganyi, or simply as Asonganyi. This should
not be considered as a sign of disrespect of any sort. It is academics.
·
Also, I will sometimes adopt a question approach to search your minds and
for the sake of clarity.
The
Book
·
Prof.
Asonganyi’s book is a 350-page document divided into Three Parts with 28
Chapters.
·
The
author begins his political lamentations by re-echoing Chinua Achebe’s
declarations that “poor leadership” is the central trouble with Africa as a
whole.
·
As
a frontline insider in the struggle for democracy in Cameroon, Asonganyi argues
that democratic leadership did not emerge in Cameroon in the first place, with
the reintroduction of competitive politics in the country from the early 1990s
because of the lack of clear compromise among the different political party leaders
either due to “differing levels of IQs (here meaning education and experience)
and differing levels of membership following”, none of which could produce the
best leadership in the country.
Part
I
·
Chapters 1-3, tackle the origin, birth and early life
of the Man Tazoacha Asonganyi.
·
He
unveils how early parental guidance shaped his character of steadfastness,
dedication and knowing when and how to defend his rights and the rights of
others.
·
These
chapters enable the reader to understand the character of the man Asonganyi,
and why he takes some of the decisions he takes.
·
Mama
Regina Nzengung taught young Asonganyi the philosophy of sharing in his very
early life. Asonganyi notes that, mama “…
would always tell me that you do not give because you have enough; you give
because it is in your spirit to give”.
·
The
father imbibed the spirit of community life in Asonganyi,
·
While
St. Joseph’s College, Sasse, “created the greatest impact on me…. [It]
shaped our emotional and social intelligence, and developed our ability to
emphasize with each other- sharing emotions, thoughts, feelings, and dreams…it
seems to be the period that marked the rest of my life – in High school, in the
University, in society….”
·
The
author’s early educational background, thought him selflessness. Asonganyi
learnt to GIVE eg He selflessly handed
over his succession right to his brother, Alembeh.
·
But
Asonganyi could also stand his ground against corruption, discrimination and
injustice eg
1)
He
resigned as Sports master in St. Bedes College when he felt humiliated. Every
attempt by Rev. Sisters to get him back failed.
2)
When Rev.
Father Van Blessen refused to pay his July and August salaries just because
the Rev. heard their names over the radio on scholarships, Asonganyi and his
friend literarily held the Principal hostage. It needed the intervention from
Rev. Sisters to have the matter settled.
3)
Young
Asonganyi, singled-handedly challenged a notorious thief who pick pocketed his
money when he had just arrived Yaoundé for the CUSS entrance at the Yaoundé
train station.
·
Asonganyi’s
scholarship to study in London created another window to the west which brought
him face to face with people who added some influence in his political thoughts
(and with whom they founded the African Nationalist Group.)
·
He
travelled to London with Clement
Ngwasiri, was hosted for a while by Carlson
Ayangwe. During his four year stay in London, he met Njianjek Azefor, Martin Eseme, Simon Munzu, Dione Ngute, Azu’u Fonkam,
Diane Acha Morfaw, Felix Ngwafor. These people formed a discussion group
“to discuss issues related to Cameroon and Africa.”
·
He
later met with Siga Asanga, John Fru Ndi and even Robert Mugabe in London too; and
received political blessings from Pa
Ndeh Ntumazah 1978 again in London.
·
Asonganyi was therefore, well grounded before
returning to Cameroon.
·
In Chapter 4,
the author paints an
interesting background story of the “Discussions
Group of the ‘80s” which led to the creation of the SDF party.
·
The
old friends from London: Asonganyi,
Anyangwe, Ngwasiri, Asanga and Azefor met regularly to discuss politics.
·
Albert Mukong and later, John Fru Ndi joined. They usually discussed on the Anglophone
problem and the illegality of the One party system and mooted about creating a
party, which was not yet an immediate option
·
However,
between 1989/90 the “Bamenda Group”
had moved into a higher gear of creating a party and had kept Asonganyi aside
probably because he “was the only South
Westerner in our discussion group in Yaoundé in the ‘80s.”
·
How
he joined the “Struggle for Democracy” within the SDF from a grass root
card-carrying militant in January 1991 and became the interim SG in June, 1994 (Chap. 5), but “Internal
Conflicts characterized the party between convinced social democrats, those who
just wanted change and those who just wanted to infiltrate and derail the SDF
party, and those who wanted power positions.
·
There
were also the democratic struggles and rivalries between pro-Fru Ndi and other
dissenting voices within the party (Chap.7).
·
Did
you ever conjecture any Secret Talks
between the CPDM and SDF after the 1992 Presidential elections, about the
creation of the State Council to be
headed by Fru Ndi while Biya was to remain President of the Republic? READ CHAPTER 7.
Part
II
·
In Chapters 8 to 10,
Asonganyi paints a
vivid picture of his stewardship in the SDF party and the circumstances that
led to his rise in the democratic struggle from the interim SG and later to SG
of the party.
·
In Chapters 9 & 10,
Asonganyi highlights
events leading to the historic Maroua Convention which confirmed him as SG
amidst political intrigues and a divided SDF.
·
The Author, however notes that, the main concern after Maroua was to give
the best image of Fru Ndi and his party although “our charismatic leader – transformed into a monster that seemed to be
ready to consume all of us…. The man became all powerful and all knowing.”
·
In Chapter 11, the author gets into the Kumba crisis
which almost tore the SDF party apart. He unveils some of the intricacies,
greed, manipulations, negative ethnicity and lack of foresight by some top SDF
sympathizers.
·
When
the “Mbuagbaw Commission to Kumba” was asked to investigate the Kumba crisis,
the report “was intentionally biased and
partisan because its central intention seemed to be to destroy innocent people
for political ends.” This affected relationship between the Chairman and
the SG.
·
In Chapter 12,
a clear picture is
painted on how the democratic struggle gained grounds as the SDF party became
represented at the National Assembly after the 1997 legislative elections.
·
Asonganyi questions the wisdom of boycotting the
February 17, 1992 Legislative elections on grounds on “no level playing field”
since the same field had not been leveled in 1997.
·
Even
when the sits were won, the party was reluctant to take up the sits. According
to Asonganyi, this was a show of “some
immaturity in strategic thinking and acting.”
·
The
party went into parliament with inadequate knowledge of parliamentary
proceedings. Even its Parliamentary Group became answerable to the Chairman and
not the party: “it acted like an
independent structure of the party that had an exclusive link with the
Chairman. Their meetings were like secret meetings during which money issues
were discussed in relation to the “welfare” of the Chairman.”
·
Did
the SDF and the CPDM actually engage in any talks for a Union Government after
the 1997 elections?
·
Who
were the main negotiators on both sides and where did the meetings hold?
·
What
were the negotiating skills of the different actors? Asonganyi explains this in
Chapter 13 of his book and
argues that, “you cannot read about
negotiation in text books; you have to learn it through daily experience. As it
turned out, the SDF had not done so….”
·
In Chapters 14,
Asonganyi argues that
the 1999 Yaoundé Convention was more of a curse than a blessing for the SDF as
the party emerged more divided than ever with the rules of the election of the SG changed, the emergence of the Souleymane faction and the protests
from the Bamileke Group.
·
Chapters 15-17
paints an insider’s
evaluation of the damages caused by the Yaoundé Convention because it produced
victors and vanquished. This resulted to clashing media politics and intrigues
with the ploy to remove “rebels” like Alhadji Sani as the Centre Regional Chair.
Part
III
·
This
Part of the book especially Chapters
18-20 is particularly intriguing due to the frightening display of
deadly manipulations and counter-manipulations, political bitterness and even
accusation of poisoning and wizardry among top post holders of the party.
1. Was the Chairman actually poisoned? By
whom?
2. Was this the bases of the
Ngwasiri/Asonganyi conflict?
3. What was the bone of contention between
the “Progressives” and the “conservatives”, or the “academics” vs the “non
academics” within the SDF party?
Chapters 18 to 20 provide answers to these questions.
·
Chapter 21
tackles the confusion
that reigned in the SDF party before the Twin elections of 2002.
1. How much money did the party receive
before the twin elections? (400 millions)
2. How much did Fru Ndi get from this as
his accumulated salary? (60.000 millions).
3. What did other party officials receive?
4. Was this the basis of the SDF/CPDM Peace
Pact in the North West Region after the elections?
5. Was Fru Nid aware of the Peace Pact?
·
In Chapters 22 and 23,
Asonganyi explains how
the battered politicians in Cameroon in general and the SDF party in particular
sought reconciliation in preparation for the Presidential elections of 2004.
·
This
reconciliation was extended to other major political parties which agreed to
bury their differences and nominate a single candidate to challenge the
incumbent Biya.
·
How
successful was the “Truth and Reconciliation Commission”? Asonganyi again
explains how greed, avarice and lack of foresight blinded the politicians to
come out of the elections more divided than before.
1.
Was
Akame Mfoumou considered as Presidential candidate of the Coalition of
opposition parties for the October 11, 2004 elections?
2.
Why
did the coalition fail?
3.
Why
has it been too difficult “for the opposition in Cameroon to use a coalition to
defeat the regime in place?”
·
Asonganyi
argues that, it was because political party leaders in Cameroon had no
clear-cut programmes for the country apart the desire to be president, unlike Nelson Mandela of South Africa, whose
main mission was to end Apartheid and Abraham
Lincoln of the USA whose political agenda was to save the American Union.
·
In Chapter 24, Asonganyi revisits the endemic
political problem of preaching virtue and practicing vice, especially when it
comes to modifying the constitution.
·
He
notes that “African leaders were
treating the constitutions of their countries like pieces of paper,
manipulating their contents as and when they liked, to suit their exercise of
power according to their whims and caprices.” That is exactly what the SDF
party set out to correct at its creation as the party’s manifesto stated in
part, “One of the problems of Cameroon
in its experiment at constitutionalism has been the arrogance and impunity with
which those in power have manipulated or modified the constitution.”
·
But
the SDF leadership did not respect what it set out to check. In 2005 Section 20
and other sections of the SDF Constitution were amended to give full powers to
Chairman Fru Ndi
·
When
Asonganyi, Prof. Kale, Justice Nyo Wakai and many others criticized the
amendment, it was adopted in May 2006 and these criticisms were considered as “Gigantic conspiracy against Chairman Fru
Ndi”.
·
This
only widened the gap of division in the SDF party.
Chapter
28: Life after SGship: A Lutta Continua!
·
In
the last chapter of the book, Prof. Asonganyi paints his life after leaving the
party preaching A Lutta Continua!
·
To
corroborate his A Lutta continua
Asonganyi, in the preface of this book argues that:
For
the good of the struggle for democracy, opposition leaders in Cameroon need to:
(1) Identify a good cause (2) cultivate a better sense of mission (3) agree of
the big picture- the purpose of their commitment and (4) build trust in one
another (5) Always ask themselves whether their attitude toward their peers
contributes positively or negatively to the broader end – to their general
purpose.
Criticisms
of the Book
·
Despite
the mind-searching nature of this wonderful piece of work, well crafted in
simple language, permit me dare raise a few criticisms to the best of my
appreciation. That is part of science!!!
·
After
all, scientists attest to the fact that no human endeavour is perfect.
1)
The
title of the book is problematic to me, because it is conclusive. It reads, Cameroon:
Difficult Choices in a Failed Democracy [Memoir].
·
It
were better to say, Cameroon: Difficult Choices in a Challenging Democracy. Failed is
past and gone and gives no hope while
Challenging gives hope, inspiration and opens new opportunities as the
struggle continues.
·
Chapter 28: Life after SGship: A Lutta
Continua! Confirms my
concerns because the author himself says that forsaking the SDF SGship gave him “a bigger task: To reveal a much bigger
talent ….intelligence, and imagination.”
·
So,
“Challenging” and not “Failed” Democracy gave the author new
opportunities to impact more people. That is why we have this book after all.
2) Memoir
in the title is written
in Square brackets rather than
simple brackets.
3) None
of the pictures in the
volume clearly represents the man we see in Tazoacha Asonganyi. As a Memoir, the pictures should have been
taken more seriously for the sake of posterity.
4) The choice of the print character could
have made the book better for easy reading. But it may need glasses to read the
book.
·
These
observations do not in any way reduce the quality to this volume.
·
As
a Historian/Political Scientist, permit me attest to the best of my
appreciation that this is the best
Politico-Historical document I have ever read on the contemporary democracy of
Cameroon.
·
Written
by an insider and political practitioner, and arguably, one of Cameroon’s most
prolific political analysts and critics, this eye-witness account of Asonganyi
is very carefully crafted with a high degree of independence of thought.
·
This
saves the readers from political controversies and hearsays which distorts facts and figures in the contemporary
democracy in Cameroon in general and within the SDF party in particular.
·
It
is a must- keep document for all those who wish the progress of democratic
leadership values in Cameroon.
·
It is for all politicians and to-be
politicians who should read to improve on their knowledge of political
trappings in Cameroon and beyond.
·
It
is for all researchers, academics, teachers and students of History and
Political Science, so that they may have the facts as they occurred.
·
It
is for all leaders and prospective leaders to better appreciate what leadership
should be.
·
Get
your own copies and savour them. Pass it on.
God bless you all
and thanks for your kind attention!!!
No comments:
Post a Comment